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Economy of the Iroquois

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   Iroquois women at work grinding corn or dried berries (1664 engraving).
   Enlarge
   Iroquois women at work grinding corn or dried berries (1664 engraving).

   The economy of the Iroquois originally focused on communal production
   and combined elements of both horticulture and hunter-gatherer systems.
   The tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy and other Northern
   Iroquoian-speaking peoples, including the Huron, lived in the region
   including what is now New York State and the Great Lakes area. The
   Iroquois Confederacy was composed of five different tribes — a sixth
   was added later — who had banded together shortly before European
   contact. While not Iroquois, the Huron peoples fell into the same
   linguistic group and shared an economy similar to the Iroquois. The
   Iroquois peoples were predominantly agricultural, harvesting the "
   Three Sisters" commonly grown by Native American groups: maize, beans,
   and squash. They developed certain cultural customs related to their
   lifestyle. Among these developments were ideas concerning the nature
   and management of property.

   The Iroquois developed a system of economics very different from the
   now dominant Western variety. This system was characterized by such
   components as communal land ownership, division of labor by gender, and
   trade mostly based on gift economics.

   Contact with Europeans in the early 1600s had a profound impact on the
   economy of the Iroquois. At first, they became important trading
   partners, but the expansion of European settlement upset the balance of
   the Iroquois economy. By 1800 the Iroquois had been confined to
   reservations, and they had to adapt their traditional economic system.
   In the 20th century, some of the Iroquois groups took advantage of
   their independent status on the reservation and started Indian casinos.
   Other Iroquois have incorporated themselves directly into the outside
   economies off the reservation.

Land ownership

   Latter-day Iroquois longhouse housing several hundred people.
   Enlarge
   Latter-day Iroquois longhouse housing several hundred people.

   The Huron had an essentially communal system of land ownership. The
   French Catholic missionary Gabriel Sagard described the fundamentals.
   The Huron had "as much land as they need[ed]."^ As a result the Huron
   could give families their own land and still have a large amount of
   excess land owned communally. Any Huron was free to clear the land and
   farm. He maintained possession of the land as long as he continued to
   actively cultivate and tend the fields. Once he abandoned the land, it
   reverted to communal ownership, and anyone could take it up for
   themselves.^ While the Huron did seem to have lands designated for the
   individual, the significance of this possession may be of little
   relevance; the placement of corn storage vessels in the longhouses,
   which contained multiple families in one kinship group, suggests the
   occupants of a given longhouse held all production in common.^

   The Iroquois had a similar communal system of land distribution. The
   tribe owned all lands but gave out tracts to the different clans for
   further distribution among households for cultivation. The land would
   be redistributed among the households every few years, and a clan could
   request a redistribution of tracts when the Clan Mothers' Council
   gathered.^ Those clans that abused their allocated land or otherwise
   did not take care of it would be warned and eventually punished by the
   Clan Mothers' Council by having the land redistributed to another
   clan.^Land property was really only the concern of the women, since it
   was the women's job to cultivate food and not the men's.^

   The Clan Mothers' Council also reserved certain areas of land to be
   worked by the women of all the different clans. Food from such lands,
   called kěndiǔ"gwǎ'ge' hodi'yěn'tho, would be used at festivals and
   large council gatherings.^

Division of labor: agriculture and forestry

   The division of labor reflected the dualistic split into have common in
   the Iroquois cultural mind. The twin gods Sapling (East) and Flint
   (West) embodied the dualistic notion of two complementary halves.
   Dualism was applied to labor with each gender taking a clearly defined
   role that complemented the work of the other. Women did all work
   involving the field while men did all work involving the forest
   including the manufacture of anything involving wood.^ The Iroquois men
   were responsible for hunting, trading, and fighting, while the women
   took care of farming, food gathering, and housekeeping. This gendered
   division of labor was the predominate means of dividing work in
   Iroquois society.^ At the time of contact with Europeans, Iroquois
   women produced about 65% of the good and the men 35%.^ The combined
   production of food was successful to the point where famine and hunger
   were extremely rare--early Europeans settlers often envied the success
   of Iroquois food production.^

   The Iroquois system of work matched their system of land ownership.
   Since the Iroquois owned property together, they worked together as
   well. The women performed difficult work in large groups, going from
   field to field helping one another work each others' land. Together
   they would sow the fields as a "mistress of the field" distributed a
   set amount of seeds to each of the women.^ The Iroquois women of each
   agricultural group would select an old but active member of their group
   to act as their leader for that year and agree to follow her
   directions. The women performed other work cooperatively as well. The
   women would cut their own wood, but their leader would oversee the
   collective carrying of the wood back to the village.^ The women's clans
   performed other work, and according to Mary Jemison, a white woman
   assimilated as an Indian, the collective effort averted "every
   jealously of one having done more or less work than another."^
   Samuel de Champlain's sketch of a Huron deer hunt; Huron men make noise
   and drive animals along a V-shaped fence towards an apex where they are
   captured and killed.
   Enlarge
   Samuel de Champlain's sketch of a Huron deer hunt; Huron men make noise
   and drive animals along a V-shaped fence towards an apex where they are
   captured and killed.

   The Iroquois men also organized themselves in a cooperative fashion. Of
   course, the men acted collectively during military actions, as there is
   little sense in a single individual fighting entirely alone in battle.^
   The other jobs of men, such as hunting and fishing, also involved
   cooperative elements similar to women's cooperation. However, the men
   differed from the women in that they more often organized as a whole
   village rather than as a clan.^ The men organized hunting parties where
   they used extensive cooperation to kill a large amount of game. One
   first hand account told of a large hunting party that built a large
   brush fence in a forest forming a V. The hunters burned the forest from
   the open side of the V, forcing the animals to run towards the point
   where the village's hunters waited in an opening. A hundred deer could
   be killed at a time under such a plan.^
   Native Americans of unknown tribe fishing in fashion similar to
   Iroquois.
   Enlarge
   Native Americans of unknown tribe fishing in fashion similar to
   Iroquois.

   The men also fished in large groups. Extensive fishing expeditions
   often took place where men in canoes with weirs and nets covered entire
   streams to reap large amounts of fish, sometimes a thousand in half of
   a day.^ A hunting or fishing party's takings were considered common
   property and would be divided among the party by the leader or taken to
   the village for a feast.^ Hunting and fishing were not always
   cooperative efforts, but the Iroquois generally did better in parties
   than as individuals.^

Trade

   The cooperative production and communal distribution of goods made
   internal trade within the Iroquois Confederacy pointless, but external
   trade with tribes in regions with resources the Iroquois lacked served
   a purpose.^ The Iroquois traded excess corn and tobacco for the pelts
   from the tribes to the north and the wampum from the tribes to the
   east.^ The Iroquois used present-giving more often than any other mode
   of exchange. Present-giving reflected the reciprocity in Iroquois
   society. The exchange would begin with one clan giving another tribe or
   clan a present with the expectation of some sort of needed commodity
   being given in return. This form of trade ties to the Iroquois
   culture's tendency to share property and cooperate in labor. In all
   cases no explicit agreement is made, but one service is performed for
   the community or another member of the community's good with the
   expectation that the community or another individual would give back.^
   External trade offered one of the few opportunities for individual
   enterprise in Iroquois society. A person who discovered a new trading
   route had the exclusive right to trade along the same route in the
   future; however, clans would still collectivize trading routes to gain
   a monopoly on a certain type of trade.^
   Iroquois with Western goods, presumably acquired through trade (French
   engraving, 1722).
   Enlarge
   Iroquois with Western goods, presumably acquired through trade (French
   engraving, 1722).

   The arrival of Europeans created the opportunity for greatly expanded
   trade. Furs were in demand in Europe, and they could be acquired
   cheaply from Indians in exchange for manufactured goods the Indians
   could not make themselves.^ Trade did not always benefit the Indians.
   The British took advantage of the gift-giving culture. They showered
   the Iroquois with European goods, making them dependent on such items
   as rifles and metal axes. The Iroquois had little choice but to trade
   for gunpowder after they had discarded their other weapons. The British
   primarily used these gifts to gain support among the Iroquois for
   fighting against the French.^ The Iroquois also traded for alcohol, a
   substance they did not have before the arrival of Europeans.
   Eventually, this would have a very negative impact on Iroquois society.
   The problem became so bad by 1753 that Scarrooyady, an Iroquois Chief,
   had to petition the Governor of Pennsylvania to intervene in trade:
   "Your Traders now bring scarce anything but Rum and Flour; they bring
   little powder and lead, or other valuable goods . . . and get all the
   skins that should go to pay the debts we have contracted for goods
   bought of the Fair Traders; by this means we not only ruin ourselves
   but them too. These wicked Whiskey Sellers, when they have once got the
   Indians in liquor, make them sell their very clothes from their backs.
   In short, if this practice be continued, we must be inevitably
   ruined."^

Impact on Iroquois culture and society

   The structure of the Iroquois economy created a unique property and
   work ethic. The threat of theft was almost nonexistent, since little
   was held by the individual except basic tools and implements that were
   so prevalent they had little value. The only goods worth stealing would
   have been wampum.^ While a theft-free society can be respected by all,
   communal systems such as that of the Iroquois are often criticized for
   not providing any incentive to work. In order for the Iroquois to
   succeed without an individual incentive, they had to develop a communal
   work ethic. Virtue became synonymous with productivity. The idealized
   Iroquois man was a good warrior and productive hunter while the perfect
   woman excelled in agriculture and housekeeping.^ By emphasizing an
   individual's usefulness to society, the Iroquois created a mindset that
   encouraged their members to contribute even though they received
   similar benefits no matter how hard they worked.

   As a result of their communal system, some would expect the Iroquois to
   have a culture of dependence without individuality. The Iroquois,
   however, had a strong tradition of autonomous responsibility. Iroquois
   men were taught to be self-disciplined, self-reliant, and responsible
   as well as stoic.^ The Iroquois attempted to eliminate any feelings of
   dependency during childhood and foster a desire for responsibility. At
   the same time, the child would have to participate in a communal
   culture, so children were taught to think as individuals but work for
   the community.^

Modern economy

   Many Iroquois have been fully integrated into the surrounding Western
   economy of the United States and Canada. For others their economic
   involvement is more isolated in the reservation. Whether directly
   involved in the outside economy or not, most of the Iroquois economy is
   now greatly influenced by national and world economies. The Iroquois
   have been involved in the steel construction industry for over a
   hundred years, with many men from the Mohawk^ nations working on such
   high-steel projects as the Empire State Building and World Trade
   Centre.^ Inside the reservation the economic situation has often been
   bleak. For instance, the U.S. side of the Mohawk reservation has
   recently had unemployment as high as 46 percent.^ Many reservations
   have successful businesses, however. The Seneca reservation contains
   the City of Salamanca, New York, a centre of the hardwoods industry^
   with a Native American population of 13 percent. The Seneca make use of
   their independent reservation status to sell gasoline and cigarettes
   tax free and run high-stakes bingo operations. The Seneca have also
   debated opening Indian casinos.^

   The Oneida have already set up casinos on their reservations in New
   York and Wisconsin. The Oneida are one of the largest employers in
   northeastern Wisconsin with over 3,000 employees, including 975 people
   in tribal government. The Tribe manages over 16 million dollars in
   federal and private grant monies and a wide range of programs,
   including those authorized by the Indian Self-Determination and
   Education Assistance Act.^ The Oneida business ventures have brought
   millions of dollars into the community and improved the standard of
   living.^

Land after the Europeans arrived

   The Iroquois system of land management had to change with the coming of
   the Europeans and the forced isolation to reservations. The Iroquois
   had a system of collectively owned land free to be used as needed by
   their members. While this system was not wholly collective as land was
   distributed to individual family groups, the Iroquois lacked the
   Western conception of property as a commodity.^ After the Europeans
   arrived and placed the Iroquois on reservations, the natives had to
   adjust their property system to a more Western model. Despite the
   influence of Western culture, the Iroquois have maintained a unique
   view of property over the years. Modern-day Iroquois Doug
   George-Kanentiio sums up his perception of the Iroquois property view:
   The Iroquois have "no absolute right to claim territory for purely
   monetary purposes. Our Creator gave us our aboriginal lands in trust
   with very specific rules regarding its uses. We are caretakers of our
   Mother Earth, not lords of the land. Our claims are valid only so far
   as we dwell in peace and harmony upon her."^

   Similar sentiments were expressed in a statement by the Iroquois
   Council of Chiefs (or Haudenosaunee) in 1981. The Council distinguished
   the "Western European concepts of land ownership" from the Iroquois
   view that "the earth is sacred" and "was created for all to use
   forever—not to be exploited merely for this present generation." Land
   is not just a commodity and "In no event is land for sale." The
   statement goes on, "Under Haudenosaunee law, Gayanerkowa, the land is
   held by the women of each clan. It is principally the women who are
   responsible for the land, who farm it, and who care for it for the
   future generations. When the Confederacy was formed, the separate
   nations formed one union. The territory of each nation became
   Confederacy land even though each nation continued to have a special
   interest in its historic territory."^ The Council's statement reflects
   the persistence of a unique view of property among the Iroquois.

   The system of the Grand River Iroquois (two Iroquois reservations in
   Canada) integrated the traditional Iroquois property structure with the
   new way of life after being confined to a reservation. The reservation
   was established under two deeds in the eighteenth century. These deeds
   gave corporate ownership of the reservation lands to the Six Nations of
   the Iroquois.^ Individuals would then take a perpetual lease on a piece
   of land from the Confederacy.^ The Iroquois idea that land came into
   one's possession if cared for and reverted to public control if left
   alone persisted in reservation property law. In one property dispute
   case, the Iroquois Council sided with the claimant who had made
   improvements and cultivated the land over the one who had left it
   alone.^ The natural resources on the land belonged to the tribe as a
   whole and not to those who possessed the particular parcel.^ The
   Iroquois leased the right to extract stone from the lands in one
   instance and fixed royalties on all the production.^ After natural gas
   had been discovered on the reservation, the Six Nations took direct
   ownership of the natural gas wells and paid those who had wells on
   their land compensation only for damages done by gas extraction.^ This
   setup closely resembled the precontact land distribution system where
   the tribes actually owned the land and distributed it for use but not
   unconditional ownership. Another instance of traditional Iroquois
   property views impacting modern-day Indian life involves the purchase
   of land in New York State by the Seneca- Cayuga tribe, perhaps for a
   casino. The casino would be an additional collectively owned revenue
   maker. The Seneca-Cayuga already own a bingo hall, a gas station, and a
   cigarette factory.^ The later-day organization of reservation property
   directly reflects the influence of the precontact view of land
   ownership.
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