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History of Solidarity

2007 Schools Wikipedia Selection. Related subjects: Recent History

   The history of Solidarity, a Polish non-governmental trade union, began
   in August 1980 at the Gdańsk Shipyards where Lech Wałęsa and others
   formed Solidarity ( Polish: Solidarność). In the early 1980s, it became
   the first independent labor union in a Soviet-bloc country. Solidarity
   gave rise to a broad anti-communist nonviolent social movement that, at
   its height, united some 10 million members and vastly contributed to
   the fall of communism.

   Poland's communist government attempted to destroy the union by
   instituting martial law in 1981, followed by several years of political
   repression, but in the end was forced to begin negotiating with the
   union. The Roundtable Talks between the weakened government and the
   Solidarity-led opposition resulted in semi-free elections in 1989. By
   the end of August 1989, a Solidarity-led coalition government had been
   formed, and, in December 1990, Wałęsa was elected president. This was
   soon followed by the dismantling of the communist governmental system
   and by Poland's transformation into a modern democratic state.
   Solidarity's survival meant a break in the hard-line stance of the
   communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), and was an unprecedented
   event not only for the People's Republic of Poland—a satellite of the
   USSR ruled by a one-party communist regime—but for the whole of the
   Eastern bloc. Solidarity's example led to the spread of anti-communist
   ideas and movements throughout the countries of the Eastern Bloc,
   weakening their communist governments; a process that eventually
   culminated in the Revolutions of 1989 (the "Autumn of Nations").

   In the 1990s, Solidarity's influence on Poland's political scene waned.
   A political arm of the "Solidarity" movement, Solidarity Electoral
   Action (AWS), was founded in 1996 and would win the Polish
   parliamentary elections in 1997, only to lose the subsequent, 2001
   elections. As of 2006 the Solidarity has little political influence and
   is more active as a traditional trade union.

Pre–1980 roots

   In the 1970s and 1980s, the initial success of Solidarity in
   particular, and of dissident movements in general, was fed by a
   deepening crisis within Soviet-style societies brought about by
   declining morale, worsening economic conditions (a shortage economy),
   and the growing stresses of the Cold War.
   Millions cheered Pope John Paul II during his first visit to Poland as
   pontiff (1979).
   Enlarge
   Millions cheered Pope John Paul II during his first visit to Poland as
   pontiff (1979).

   After a brief period of economic boom, from 1975 the policies of the
   Polish government, led by Party First Secretary Edward Gierek,
   precipitated a slide into increasing depression, as foreign debt
   mounted. In June 1976, the first workers' strikes took place, involving
   violent incidents at factories in Radom and Ursus. When these incidents
   were quelled by the government, the worker's movement received support
   from intellectual dissidents, many of them associated with the
   Committee for Defense of the Workers ( Polish: Komitet Obrony
   Robotników, abbreviated KOR), formed in 1976. The following year, KOR
   was renamed the Committee for Social Self-defence (KSS-KOR).

   On October 16, 1978, the Bishop of Kraków, Karol Wojtyła, was elected
   Pope John Paul II. A year later, during his first pilgrimage to Poland,
   his masses were attended by millions of his countrymen. The Pope called
   for the respecting of national and religious traditions and advocated
   for freedom and human rights, while denouncing violence. To many Poles,
   he represented a spiritual and moral force that could be set against
   brute material forces; he was a bellwether of change, and became an
   important symbol—and supporter—of changes to come.

Early strikes (1980–81)

   Strikes did not occur merely due to problems that had emerged shortly
   before the labor unrest, but due to governmental and economic
   difficulties spanning more than a decade. In July 1980, Edward Gierek's
   government, facing economic crisis, decided to raise prices while
   slowing the growth of wages. At once there ensued a wave of strikes and
   factory occupations. Although the strike movement had no coordinating
   centre, the workers had developed an information network to spread news
   of their struggle. A "dissident" group, the Committee for the Defense
   of the Workers (KOR), which had originally been set up in 1976 to
   organize aid for victimized workers, attracted small groups of
   working-class militants in major industrial centers. At the Lenin
   Shipyard in Gdańsk, the firing of Anna Walentynowicz, a popular crane
   operator and activist, galvanized the outraged workers into action.

   On August 14, the shipyard workers began their strike, organized by the
   Free Trade Unions of the Coast (Wolne Związki Zawodowe Wybrzeża). The
   workers were led by electrician Lech Wałęsa, a former shipyard worker
   who had been dismissed in 1976, and who arrived at the shipyard late in
   the morning of August 14. The strike committee demanded the rehiring of
   Walentynowicz and Wałęsa, as well as the according of respect to
   workers' rights and other social concerns. In addition, they called for
   the raising of a monument to the shipyard workers who had been killed
   in 1970 and for the legalization of independent trade unions.

   The Polish government enforced censorship, and official media said
   little about the "sporadic labor disturbances in Gdańsk"; as a further
   precaution, all phone connections between the coast and the rest of
   Poland were soon cut. Nonetheless, the government failed to contain the
   information: a spreading wave of samizdats ( Polish: bibuła), including
   Robotnik (The Worker), and grapevine gossip, along with Radio Free
   Europe broadcasts that penetrated the Iron Curtain, ensured that the
   ideas of the emerging Solidarity movement quickly spread.

   On August 16, delegations from other strike committees arrived at the
   shipyard. Delegates ( Bogdan Lis, Andrzej Gwiazda and others) together
   with shipyard strikers agreed to create an Inter-Enterprise Strike
   Committee (Międzyzakładowy Komitet Strajkowy, or MKS). On August 17 a
   priest, Henryk Jankowski, performed a mass outside the shipyard's gate,
   at which 21 demands of the MKS were put forward. The list went beyond
   purely local matters, beginning with a demand for new, independent
   trade unions and going on to call for a relaxation of the censorship, a
   right to strike, new rights for the Church, the freeing of political
   prisoners, and improvements in the national health service.

   Next day, a delegation of KOR intelligentsia, including Tadeusz
   Mazowiecki, arrived to offer their assistance with negotiations. A
   bibuła news-sheet, Solidarność, produced on the shipyard’s printing
   press with KOR assistance, reached a daily print run of 30,000 copies.
   Meanwhile, Jacek Kaczmarski's protest song, Mury (Walls), gained
   popularity with the workers.

   On August 18, the Szczecin Shipyard joined the strike, under the
   leadership of Marian Jurczyk. A tidal wave of strikes swept the coast,
   closing ports and bringing the economy to a halt. With KOR assistance
   and support from many intellectuals, workers occupying factories, mines
   and shipyards across Poland joined forces. Within days, over 200
   factories and enterprises had joined the strike committee. By August
   21, most of Poland was affected by the strikes, from coastal shipyards
   to the mines of the Upper Silesian Industrial Area. More and more new
   unions were formed, and joined the federation.
   Monument to Shipyard Workers Fallen in 1970, created following the
   Gdańsk Agreement, and unveiled December 16, 1980.
   Enlarge
   Monument to Shipyard Workers Fallen in 1970, created following the
   Gdańsk Agreement, and unveiled December 16, 1980.

   Thanks to popular support within Poland, as well as to international
   support and media coverage, the Gdańsk workers held out until the
   government gave in to their demands. On August 21 a Governmental
   Commission (Komisja Rządowa) including Mieczysław Jagielski arrived in
   Gdańsk, and another one with Kazimierz Barcikowski was dispatched to
   Szczecin. On August 30 and 31, and on September 3, representatives of
   the workers and the government signed an agreement ratifying many of
   the workers' demands, including the right to strike. This agreement
   came to be known as the August or Gdańsk agreement (Porozumienia
   sierpniowe). Though concerned with labor-union matters, the agreement
   enabled citizens to introduce democratic changes within the communist
   political structure and was regarded as a first step toward dismantling
   the Party's monopoly of power. The workers' main concerns were the
   establishment of a labor union independent of communist-party control,
   and recognition of a legal right to strike. Workers’ needs would now
   receive clear representation. Another consequence of the Gdańsk
   Agreement was the replacement, in September 1980, of Edward Gierek by
   Stanisław Kania as Party First Secretary.
   Solidarity logo.
   Enlarge
   Solidarity logo.

   Encouraged by the success of the August strikes, on September 17
   workers' representatives, including Lech Wałęsa, formed a nationwide
   labor union, Solidarity (Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy (NSZZ)
   "Solidarność"). It was the first independent labor union in a
   Soviet-bloc country. Its name was suggested by Karol Modzelewski, and
   its famous logo was conceived by Jerzy Janiszewski, designer of many
   Solidarity-related posters. The new union's supreme powers were vested
   in a legislative body, the Convention of Delegates (Zjazd Delegatów).
   The executive branch was the National Coordinating Commission (Krajowa
   Komisja Porozumiewawcza), later renamed the National Commission
   (Komisja Krajowa). The Union had a regional structure, comprising 38
   regions (region) and two districts (okręg). On December 16, 1980, the
   Monument to Fallen Shipyard Workers was unveiled. On January 15, 1981,
   a Solidarity delegation, including Lech Wałęsa, met in Rome with Pope
   John Paul II. From September 5 to 10, and from September 26 to October
   7, Solidarity's first national congress was held, and Lech Wałęsa was
   elected its president.
   Lech Wałęsa (right), leader of Solidarność, received by Pope John Paul
   II at the Vatican (January 1981).
   Enlarge
   Lech Wałęsa (right), leader of Solidarność, received by Pope John Paul
   II at the Vatican (January 1981).

   Meanwhile Solidarity had been transforming itself from a trade union
   into a social movement or more specifically, a revolutionary movement.
   Over the 500 days following the Gdańsk Agreement, 9-10 million workers,
   intellectuals and students joined it or its suborganizations, such as
   the Independent Student Union (Niezależne Zrzeszenie Studentów, created
   in September 1980), the Independent Farmers' Trade Union (NSZZ Rolników
   Indywidualnych "Solidarność", created in May 1981) and the Independent
   Craftsmen's Trade Union. It was the only time in recorded history that
   a quarter of a country's population (some 80% of the total Polish work
   force) had voluntarily joined a single organization. "History has
   taught us that there is no bread without freedom," the Solidarity
   program stated a year later. "What we had in mind was not only bread,
   butter and sausages, but also justice, democracy, truth, legality,
   human dignity, freedom of convictions, and the repair of the republic."
   March 20-21, 1981, issue of Wieczór Wrocławia (The Wrocław Evening).
   Blank spaces remain after the government censor has pulled articles
   from page 1 (right, "What happened at Bydgoszcz?") and from the last
   page (left, "Country-wide strike alert"), leaving only their titles.
   The printers—Solidarity-trade-union members—have decided to run the
   newspaper as is, with blank spaces intact. The bottom of page 1 of this
   master copy bears the hand-written Solidarity confirmation of that
   decision.
   Enlarge
   March 20-21, 1981, issue of Wieczór Wrocławia (The Wrocław Evening).
   Blank spaces remain after the government censor has pulled articles
   from page 1 (right, "What happened at Bydgoszcz?") and from the last
   page (left, "Country-wide strike alert"), leaving only their titles.
   The printers— Solidarity-trade-union members—have decided to run the
   newspaper as is, with blank spaces intact. The bottom of page 1 of this
   master copy bears the hand-written Solidarity confirmation of that
   decision.

   Using strikes and other protest actions, Solidarity sought to force a
   change in government policies. At the same time, it was careful never
   to use force or violence, so as to avoid giving the government any
   excuse to bring security forces into play. After 27 Bydgoszcz
   Solidarity members, including Jan Rulewski, were beaten up on March 19,
   a 4-hour strike on March 27, involving over half a million people,
   paralyzed the country. This was the largest strike in the history of
   the Eastern bloc, and it forced the government to promise an
   investigation into the beatings. This concession, and Wałęsa's
   agreement to defer further strikes, proved a setback to the movement,
   as the euphoria that had swept Polish society subsided. Nonetheless the
   Polish communist party—the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR)—had lost
   its total control over society.

   Yet while Solidarity was ready to take up negotiations with the
   government, the Polish communists were unsure what to do, as they
   issued empty declarations and bid their time. Against the background of
   a deteriorating communist shortage economy and unwillingness to
   negotiate seriously with Solidarity, it became increasingly clear that
   the Communist government would eventually have to suppress the
   Solidarity movement as the only way out of the impasse, or face a truly
   revolutionary situation. The atmosphere was increasingly tense, with
   various local chapters conducting a growing number of uncoordinated
   strikes in response to the worsening economic situation.On December 3
   Solidarity announced that a 24-hour strike would be held if the
   government were granted additional powers to suppress dissent, and that
   a general strike would be declared if those powers were used.

Martial law (1981–83)

   Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski broadcasts declaration of martial law
   (December 13, 1981).
   Enlarge
   Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski broadcasts declaration of martial law (
   December 13, 1981).

   After the Gdańsk Agreement, the Polish government was under increasing
   pressure from the Soviet Union to take action and strengthen its
   position. Stanisław Kania was viewed by Moscow as too independent, and
   on October 18, 1981, the Party Central Committee put him in the
   minority. Kania lost his post as First Secretary, and was replaced by
   Prime Minister (and Minister of Defence) Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, who
   adopted a strong-arm policy.

   On December 13, 1981, Jaruzelski began a crack-down on Solidarity,
   declaring martial law and creating a Military Council of National
   Salvation (Wojskowa Rada Ocalenia Narodowego, or WRON). Solidarity's
   leaders, gathered at Gdańsk, were arrested and isolated in facilities
   guarded by the Security Service ( Służba Bezpieczeństwa or SB), and
   some 5,000 Solidarity supporters were arrested in the middle of the
   night. Censorship was expanded, and military forces appeared on the
   streets. A couple of hundred strikes and occupations occurred, chiefly
   at the largest plants and at several Silesian coal mines, but were
   broken by ZOMO paramilitary riot police. One of the largest
   demonstrations, on December 16, 1981, took place at the Wujek Coal
   Mine, where government forces opened fire on demonstrators, killing 9
   and seriously injuring 22.
   ZOMO paramilitary riot police on the streets (1982).
   Enlarge
   ZOMO paramilitary riot police on the streets (1982).

   Next day, during protests at Gdańsk, government forces again fired at
   demonstrators, killing 1 and injuring 2. By December 28, 1981, strikes
   had ceased, and Solidarity appeared crippled. On October 8, 1982, the
   organization was delegalized and banned.

   The international community outside the Iron Curtain condemned
   Jaruzelski's actions and declared support for Solidarity. US President
   Ronald Reagan imposed economic sanctions on Poland, which eventually
   would force the Polish government into liberalizing its policies.
   Meanwhile the CIA together with the Catholic Church and various Western
   trade unions such as the AFL-CIO provided funds, equipment and advice
   to the Solidarity underground. The political alliance of Reagan and the
   Pope would prove important to the future of Solidarity. The Polish
   public also supported what was left of Solidarity; a major medium for
   demonstrating support of Solidarity became masses held by priests such
   as Jerzy Popiełuszko.

   In July 1983, martial Law was formally lifted, though many heightened
   controls on civil liberties and political life, as well as food
   rationing, remained in place through the mid- to late 1980s.

Solidarity underground (1982–88)

   "Solidarity Fights" poster, modeled after World War II "Kotwica"
   emblem.
   Enlarge
   "Solidarity Fights" poster, modeled after World War II " Kotwica"
   emblem.

   Almost immediately after the legal Solidarity leadership had been
   arrested, underground structures began to arise. On April 12, 1982,
   Radio Solidarity began broadcasting. On April 22, Zbigniew Bujak,
   Bogdan Lis, Władysław Frasyniuk and Władysław Hardek created an Interim
   Coordinating Commission (Tymczasowa Komisja Koordynacyjna) to serve as
   an underground leadership for Solidarity. On May 6 another underground
   Solidarity organization, an NSSZ "S" Regional Coordinating Commission
   (Regionalna Komisja Koordynacyjna NSZZ "S"), was created by Bogdan
   Borusewicz, Aleksander Hall, Stanisław Jarosz, Bogdan Lis and Marian
   Świtek. June 1982 saw the creation of a Fighting Solidarity
   (Solidarność Walcząca) organization.

   Throughout the mid-1980s, Solidarity persevered as an exclusively
   underground organization. Its activists were dogged by the Security
   Service (SB), but managed to strike back: on May 1, 1982, a series of
   anti-government protests brought out thousands of participants—several
   dozen thousand in Gdańsk. On May 3 more protests took place, during
   celebrations of the Constitution of May 3, 1791. Further strikes
   occurred at Gdańsk between October 11 and 13.

   On November 14, 1982, Wałęsa was released. However on December 9 the SB
   carried out a large anti-Solidarity operation, arresting over 10,000
   activists. On December 27 Solidarity's assets were transferred by the
   authorities to a pro-government trade union, the All-Polish Conference
   of Trade Unions (Ogólnopolskie Porozumienie Związków Zawodowych, or
   OPZZ). Yet Solidarity was far from broken: by early 1983 the
   underground had over 70,000 members, whose activities included
   publishing over 500 underground newspapers.

   On July 22, 1983, the martial law was lifted, and amnesty was granted
   to many imprisoned Solidarity members, who were released. On October 5,
   Wałęsa was awarded a Nobel Peace Prize. The Polish government, however,
   refused to issue him a passport to travel to Stockholm; Wałęsa's prize
   was accepted on his behalf by his wife. It later transpired that the SB
   had prepared bogus documents, accusing Wałęsa of immoral and illegal
   activities, that had been given to the Nobel committee in an attempt to
   derail his nomination.

   On October 19, 1984, three agents of the Ministry of Internal Security
   murdered a popular pro-Solidarity priest, Jerzy Popiełuszko. As the
   facts emerged, thousands of people declared their solidarity with the
   murdered priest by attending his funeral, held on November 3, 1984. The
   government attempted to smooth over the situation by releasing
   thousands of political prisoners; a year later, however, there followed
   a new wave of arrests. Frasyniuk, Lis and Adam Michnik, members of the
   "S" underground, were arrested on February 13, 1985, placed on a show
   trial, and sentenced to several years' imprisonment.

   On March 11, 1985, power in the Soviet Union was assumed by Mikhail
   Gorbachev, a leader who represented a new generation of Soviet party
   members. The worsening economic situation in the entire Eastern Bloc,
   including the Soviet Union, together with other factors, forced
   Gorbachev to carry out a number of reforms, not only in the field of
   economics ( uskoreniye) but in the political and social realms (
   glasnost and perestroika). Gorbachev's policies soon caused a
   corresponding shift in the policies of Soviet satellites, including the
   People's Republic of Poland. On September 11, 1986, 225 Polish
   political prisoners were released—the last of those connected with
   Solidarity, and arrested during the previous years.

   On September 30, Wałęsa created the first public, legal Solidarity
   entity since the declaration of martial law—the Temporary Council of
   NSZZ Solidarność (Tymczasowa Rada NSZZ Solidarność)—with Bogdan
   Borusewicz, Zbigniew Bujak, Władysław Frasyniuk, Tadeusz Jedynak,
   Bogdan Lis, Janusz Pałubicki and Józef Pinior. Soon afterwards, the new
   Council was admitted to the International Confederation of Free Trade
   Unions. Many local Solidarity chapters now broke their cover throughout
   Poland, and on October 25, 1987, the National Executive Committee
   (Solidarity)|National Executive Committee of NSZZ Solidarność (Krajowa
   Komisja Wykonawcza NSZZ Solidarność) was created. Nonetheless,
   Solidarity members and activists continued to be persecuted and
   discriminated, if less so than during the early 1980s. There grew a
   rift between Wałęsa's faction, which wanted to negotiate with the
   government, and a more radical faction, Fighting Solidarity, which
   planned for an anti-communist revolution.

Twilight of the Party (1988–89)

   By 1988, Poland's economy was in worse condition than it had been eight
   years earlier. International sanctions, combined with the government's
   unwillingness to introduce reforms, intensified the old problems.
   Inefficient government-run planned-economy enterprises wasted labor and
   resources, producing substandard goods for which there was little
   demand. Polish exports were low, both because of the sanctions and
   because the goods were as unattractive abroad as they were at home.
   Foreign debt and inflation mounted. There were no funds to modernize
   factories, and the promised " market socialism" materialized as a
   shortage economy characterized by long queues and empty shelves.
   Reforms introduced by Jaruzelski and Mieczysław Rakowski came too
   little and too late, especially as changes in the Soviet Union had
   bolstered the public's expectation that change must come, and the
   Soviets ceased their efforts to prop up Poland's failing regime.

   In February 1988, the government hiked food prices by 40%. On April 21,
   a new wave of strikes hit the country. On May 2, workers at the Gdańsk
   Shipyard went on strike. That strike was broken by the government
   between May 5 and May 10, but only temporarily: on August 15, a new
   strike took place at the " July Manifesto" mine in Jastrzębie Zdrój. By
   August 20 the strike had spread to many other mines, and on August 22
   the Gdańsk Shipyard joined the strike. Poland's communist government
   then decided to negotiate.

   On August 26, Czesław Kiszczak, the Minister of Internal Affairs,
   declared on television that the government was willing to negotiate,
   and five days later he met with Wałęsa. The strikes ended the following
   day, and on October 30, during a televised debate between Wałęsa and
   Alfred Miodowicz (leader of the pro-government trade union, the
   All-Polish Conference of Trade Unions), Wałęsa scored a
   public-relations victory.

   On December 18, a hundred-member Citizens' Committee (Komitet
   Obywatelski) was formed within Solidarity. It comprised several
   sections, each responsible for presenting a specific aspect of
   opposition demands to the government. Wałęsa and the majority of
   Solidarity leaders supported negotiation, while a minority wanted an
   anticommunist revolution. Under Wałęsa's leadership, Solidarity decided
   to pursue a peaceful solution, and the pro-violence faction never
   attained any substantial power, nor did it take any action.
   Round-table negotiations, 1989.
   Enlarge
   Round-table negotiations, 1989.

   On January 27, 1989, in a meeting between Wałęsa and Kiszczak, a list
   was drawn up of members of the main negotiating teams. The conference
   that began on February 6 would be known as the Polish Round Table
   Talks. The 56 participants included 20 from "S," 6 from OPZZ, 14 from
   the PZPR, 14 "independent authorities," and two priests. The Polish
   Round Table Talks took place in Warsaw from February 6 to April 4,
   1989. The Communists, led by Gen. Jaruzelski, hoped to co-opt prominent
   opposition leaders into the ruling group without making major changes
   in the structure of political power. Solidarity, while hopeful, did not
   anticipate major changes. In fact, the talks would radically alter the
   shape of the Polish government and society.

   On April 17, 1989, Solidarity was legalized, and its membership soon
   reached 1.5 million. The Solidarity Citizens' Committee (Komitet
   Obywatelski "Solidarność") was given permission to field candidates in
   the upcoming elections. Election law allowed Solidarity to put forward
   candidates for only 35% of the seats in the Sejm, but there were no
   restrictions in regard to Senat candidates. Agitation and propaganda
   continued legally up to election day. Despite its shortage of
   resources, Solidarity managed to carry on an electoral campaign. On May
   8, the first issue of a new pro-Solidarity newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza
   (The Election Gazette), was published. Posters of Wałęsa supporting
   various candidates, appeared throughout the country.

   Pre-election public-opinion polls had promised victory to the
   communists. Thus the total defeat of the PZPR and its satellite parties
   came as a surprise to all involved: after the first round of elections,
   it became evident that Solidarity had fared extremely well, capturing
   160 of 161 contested Sejm seats, and 92 of 100 Senate seats. After the
   second round, it had won virtually every seat—all 161 in the Sejm, and
   99 in the Senate. The new Contract Sejm, named for the agreement that
   had been reached by the communist party and the Solidarity movement
   during the Polish Round Table Talks, would be dominated by Solidarity.
   As agreed beforehand, Wojciech Jaruzelski was elected president.
   However, the communist candidate for Prime Minister, Czesław Kiszczak,
   who replaced Mieczysław Rakowski, failed to gain enough support to form
   a government.

   On June 23, a Solidarity Citizens' Parliamentary Club (Obywatelski Klub
   Parlamentarny "Solidarność") was formed, led by Bronisław Geremek. It
   formed a coalition with two ex-satellite parties of the PZPR— ZSL and
   SD—which had now chosen to "rebel" against the PZPR, which found itself
   in the minority. On August 24, the Sejm elected Tadeusz Mazowiecki, a
   Solidarity representative, to be Prime Minister of Poland. Not only was
   he a first non-communist Polish Prime Minister since 1945, he became
   the first non-Communist prime minister in Eastern Europe since nearly
   40 years. In his speech he talked about the "thick line" ( Gruba
   kreska) which would separate his government from the communist past By
   the end of August 1989, a Solidarity-led coalition government had been
   formed.

Bitter success (1989 to the present)

   Lech Wałęsa's election as president marked the transition from
   "People's Poland" to present-day Poland.
   Enlarge
   Lech Wałęsa's election as president marked the transition from
   "People's Poland" to present-day Poland.

   The fall of the communist regime marked a new chapter in the history of
   Poland and in the history of Solidarity. Having defeated the communist
   government, Solidarity found itself in a role it was much less prepared
   for — that of a political party — and soon began to lose popularity.
   Conflicts among Solidarity factions intensified. Wałęsa was elected
   Solidarity chairman, but support for him could be seen to be crumbling.
   One of his main opponents, Władysław Frasyniuk, withdrew from elections
   altogether. In September 1990, Wałęsa declared that Gazeta Wyborcza had
   no right to use the Solidarity logo.

   Later that month, Wałęsa announced his intent to run for president of
   Poland. In December 1990, he was elected president. He resigned his
   Solidarity post and became the first president of Poland ever to be
   elected by popular vote.

   These elections, in which anti-communist candidates won a striking
   victory, inaugurated a series of peaceful anti-communist revolutions in
   Central and Eastern Europe that eventually culminated in the fall of
   communism.
   Solidarity economist Leszek Balcerowicz, framer of the Balcerowicz
   Plan.
   Enlarge
   Solidarity economist Leszek Balcerowicz, framer of the Balcerowicz
   Plan.

   Next year, in February 1991, Marian Krzaklewski was elected the leader
   of Solidarity. President Wałęsa's vision and that of the new Solidarity
   leadership were diverging. Far from supporting Wałęsa, Solidarity was
   becoming increasingly critical of the government, and decided to create
   its own political party for action in the upcoming 1991 parliamentary
   elections.

   The 1991 elections were characterized by a large number of competing
   parties, many claiming the legacy of anti-communism, and the Solidarity
   party garnered only 5% of the votes.

   On January 13, 1992, Solidarity declared its first strike against the
   democratically elected government: a one-hour strike against a proposal
   to raise energy prices. Another, two-hour strike took place on December
   14. On May 19, 1993, Solidarity deputies proposed a no-confidence
   motion—which passed—against the government of Prime Minister Hanna
   Suchocka. President Wałęsa declined to accept the prime minister's
   resignation, and dismissed the parliament.
   Marian Krzaklewski, a late-1990s leader of Solidarity Electoral Action.
   Enlarge
   Marian Krzaklewski, a late-1990s leader of Solidarity Electoral Action.

   It was in the ensuing 1993 parliamentary elections that it became
   evident how much Solidarity's support had eroded in the previous three
   years. Even though some Solidarity deputies sought to assume a more
   left-wing stance and to distance themselves from the right-wing
   government, Solidarity remained identified in the public mind with that
   government. Hence it suffered from the growing disillusionment of the
   populace, as the transition from a communist to a capitalist system
   failed to generate instant wealth and raise Poland's living standards
   to those in the West, and the government's financial " shock therapy"
   (the Balcerowicz Plan) generated much opposition.

   In the elections, Solidarity received only 4.9% of the votes, 0.1% less
   than the 5% required in order to enter parliament (Solidarity still had
   9 senators, 2 fewer then in the previous Senate). The victorious party
   was the Democratic Left Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej or SLD),
   a post-communist left-wing party.

   Solidarity now joined forces with its erstwhile enemy, the All-Polish
   Conference of Trade Unions (OPZZ), and some protests were organized by
   both trade unions. The following year, Solidarity organized many
   strikes over the state of the Polish mining industry. In 1995, a
   demonstration before the Polish parliament was broken up by the police
   (now again known as policja) using batons and water guns. Nonetheless,
   Solidarity decided to support Wałęsa in the 1995 presidential
   elections.

   In a second major defeat for the Polish right wing, the elections were
   won by an SLD candidate, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, who received 51.72% of
   votes. A Solidarity call for new elections went unheeded, but the Sejm
   still managed to pass a resolution condemning the 1981 martial law
   (despite the SLD voting against). Meanwhile the left-wing OPZZ trade
   union had acquired 2.5 millions members, twice as many as the
   contemporary Solidarity (with 1.3 millions).
   Jerzy Buzek of Solidarity Electoral Action, late-1990s prime minister.
   Enlarge
   Jerzy Buzek of Solidarity Electoral Action, late-1990s prime minister.

   In June 1996, Solidarity Electoral Action (Akcja Wyborcza Solidarność)
   was founded as a coalition of over 30 right-wing parties, uniting
   liberal, conservative and Christian-democratic forces. As the public
   became disillusioned with the SLD and its allies, AWS was victorious in
   the 1997 parliamentary elections. Jerzy Buzek became the new prime
   minister.

   However, controversies over domestic reforms, Poland's 1999 entry into
   NATO, and the accession process to the European Union, combined with
   AWS' fights with its political allies (the Freedom Union—Unia Wolności)
   and infighting within AWS itself, as well as corruption (reflected in
   the infamous " TKM" slogan), eventually resulted in the loss of much
   public support. AWS leader Marian Krzaklewski lost the 2000
   presidential election, and in the 2001 parliamentary elections AWS
   failed to elect a single deputy to the parliament. After this debacle,
   the union decided to distance itself from politics.

   As of 2006, Solidarity has some 1.5 million members, but little
   political clout. Its mission statement declares that Solidarity,
   "basing its activities on Christian ethics and Catholic social
   teachings, works to protect workers' interests and to fulfill their
   material, social and cultural aspirations."
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