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Manuel I Komnenos

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                    Manuel I Komnenos
   November 28, 1118 – September 24, 1180
   Image:manuelcomnenus.jpg
   Manuscript miniature of Manuel I (Vatican Library)
       Nickname     Megas, "the Great"
    Place of birth  Constantinople
    Place of death  Constantinople
      Allegiance    Byzantine Empire
   Years of service 1143-1180
         Rank       Emperor
       Commands     The Komnenian army
     Battles/wars   Battle of Myriokephalon

   Manuel I Komnenos, or Comnenus ( Greek: Μανουήλ Α' Κομνηνός, Manouēl I
   Komnēnos), November 28, 1118 – September 24, 1180, was a Byzantine
   Emperor of the 12th century who reigned over a crucial turning point in
   the history of Byzantium and the Mediterranean. Eager to restore his
   empire to its past glories as the superpower of the Mediterranean
   world, Manuel pursued an energetic and ambitious foreign policy. In the
   process he made alliances with the Pope and the resurgent west, invaded
   Italy, successfully handled the passage of the dangerous Second Crusade
   through his empire, and established a Byzantine protectorate over the
   Crusader kingdoms of Outremer. Facing Muslim advances in the Holy Land,
   he made common cause with the Kingdom of Jerusalem and participated in
   a combined invasion of Fatimid Egypt. Manuel reshaped the political
   maps of the Balkans and the east Mediterranean, placing the kingdoms of
   Hungary and Outremer under Byzantine hegemony and campaigning
   aggressively against his neighbours both in the west and in the east.
   However, towards the end of his reign Manuel's achievements in the east
   were compromised by a serious defeat at Myriokephalon, which in large
   part resulted from his arrogance in attacking a well-defended Seljuk
   position.

   The Latin historian William of Tyre described Manuel as "beloved of
   God… a great-souled man of incomparable energy," whose "memory will
   ever be held in benediction." Manuel was further extolled by Robert of
   Clari as a "generous and worthy man." Such a good press among Catholic
   writers was highly unusual for a Byzantine ruler, and this positive
   reputation has led some modern historians to view him as an inspired
   innovator who concentrated on cooperation rather than confrontation in
   his dealings with the Crusaders and the West.

   Known as Megas (Greek: "o Μέγας" translated as "the Great") in
   Byzantium, Manuel is known to have inspired intense loyalty in those
   who served him. He appears as the hero of a history written by his
   secretary, John Kinnamos, in which every virtue is attributed to him,
   ranging from bravery in battle to intellect, humanity and his
   proficiency in philosophy and even medicine. John Phokas, a soldier who
   fought in Manuel's army, described him some years later as the "world
   saving" and glorious emperor.

   Manuel was famed for his charisma. He is representative of a new kind
   of Byzantine ruler who was influenced by his contact with western
   Crusaders. He arranged jousting matches, even participating in them, an
   unusual and discomforting sight for the Byzantines. Endowed with a fine
   physique and great personal courage, during his long reign (1143–1180)
   Manuel devoted himself wholeheartedly to a military career.

Accession to the throne

   This 11th-century Trebizond Gospel was commissioned by Manuel's
   ancestors.
   Enlarge
   This 11th-century Trebizond Gospel was commissioned by Manuel's
   ancestors.

   Manuel Komnenos was the fourth son of John II Komnenos and Piroska of
   Hungary. His maternal grandfather was St. Ladislaus. Having
   distinguished himself in his father's war against the Seljuk Turks, in
   1143 Manuel was nominated emperor by his father, in preference to his
   elder surviving brother Isaac. Yet his succession was by no means
   assured: At his father's deathbed in the wilds of Cilicia far from the
   capital at Constantinople, he recognised that it was vital he should
   return to the capital as soon as possible. He still had to organise his
   father's funeral, and tradition demanded he organise the foundation of
   a monastery on the spot where his father died. Swiftly, he dispatched
   his secretary John Axouch ahead of him, with orders to arrest his most
   dangerous potential rival, his brother Isaac, who was living in the
   Great Palace with instant access to the imperial treasure and regalia.
   Axouch arrived in the capital even before news of the emperor's death
   had reached it. He quickly secured the loyalty of the city, and when
   Manuel entered the capital in August 1143, he was crowned by the new
   Patriarch, Michael Kourkouas. A few days later, with nothing more to
   fear, Manuel ordered the release of Isaac, his position as emperor now
   secure.

   The empire that Manuel inherited from his father had undergone great
   changes since its foundation by Constantine, eight centuries before.
   The most obvious change had occurred in the seventh century: the
   soldiers of Islam had taken Egypt, Palestine and much of Syria away
   from the empire irrevocably. They had then swept on westwards into what
   in the time of Constantine had been the western provinces of the Roman
   Empire, in North Africa and Spain. In the centuries since, the emperors
   had ruled over a realm that largely consisted of Asia Minor in the
   east, and the Balkans in the west. Since the time of his predecessor
   Justinian I (527–565), the emperors had also ruled over parts of Italy,
   Africa and Spain. Yet the empire that Manuel inherited was a polity
   facing formidable challenges. At the end of the eleventh century, the
   Normans of Sicily had removed Italy from the control of the Byzantine
   Emperor. The Seljuk Turks had done the same with central Anatolia. And
   in the Levant, a new force had appeared — the Crusader states — who
   presented the Byzantine Empire with new challenges. Now, more than at
   any time during the preceding centuries, the task facing the emperor
   was daunting indeed.

Second Crusade and Raynald of Chatillon

Prince of Antioch

   The first test of Manuel's reign came in 1144, when he was faced with a
   demand by Raymond, Prince of Antioch for the cession of Cilician
   territories. However, later that year the crusader County of Edessa was
   engulfed by the tide of a resurgent Islamic jihad under Imad ad-Din
   Atabeg Zengi. Raymond realised that immediate help from the west was
   out of the question. With his eastern flank now dangerously exposed to
   this new threat, there seemed little option but for him to prepare for
   a humiliating visit to Constantinople. Swallowing his pride, he made
   the journey north to ask for the protection of the Emperor. After
   submitting to Manuel, he was promised the support that he had
   requested, and his allegiance to Byzantium was secured.

Arrival of the Crusaders

   Arrival of the Second Crusade before Constantinople as portrayed in
   Jean Fouquet's painting from around 1455-1460, Arrivée des croisés à
   Constantinople.
   Enlarge
   Arrival of the Second Crusade before Constantinople as portrayed in
   Jean Fouquet's painting from around 1455-1460, Arrivée des croisés à
   Constantinople.

   Manuel was prevented from following up his early successes in the east,
   for events to the west meant that his presence was urgently required in
   the Balkans. In 1147 he granted a passage through his dominions to two
   armies of the Second Crusade under Conrad III of Germany and Louis VII
   of France. At this time, there were still members of the Byzantine
   court who remembered the passage of the First Crusade. The Crusade was
   a defining event in the collective memory of the age and one which had
   fascinated Manuel's aunt, Anna Komnene. She describes some of the
   leaders of the Crusade in her Alexiad, a biography of her father,
   Manuel's grandfather Alexios I Komnenos. Many Byzantines feared the
   Crusade, a view endorsed by the numerous acts of vandalism and theft
   practiced by the unruly armies as they marched through Byzantine
   territory. Byzantine troops followed the Crusaders, attempting to
   police their behaviour, and further troops were assembled in
   Constantinople, ready to defend the capital against any acts of
   aggression. This cautious approach was well advised, but still the
   numerous incidents of covert and open hostility between the Franks and
   the Greeks on their line of march, for which it seems both sides were
   to blame, nearly precipitated a conflict between Manuel and his guests.
   By 1148 Manuel had seen the wisdom of securing an alliance with Conrad,
   whose sister-in-law Bertha of Sulzbach he had earlier married.
   Unfortunately, Conrad died in 1152, and despite repeated attempts,
   Manuel could not reach an agreement with his successor, Frederick I
   Barbarossa.

Cyprus invaded

   A modern photo of the fortress at Kyrenia on Cyprus. In 1156, Manuel's
   garrison at Kyrenia was surprised by the Crusaders who plundered the
   island and savaged its residents.
   Enlarge
   A modern photo of the fortress at Kyrenia on Cyprus. In 1156, Manuel's
   garrison at Kyrenia was surprised by the Crusaders who plundered the
   island and savaged its residents.

   Yet Manuel's attention was to be drawn to Antioch again in 1156, this
   time as a result of an appalling atrocity: the new Prince of Antioch,
   Raynald of Chatillon, invaded the Byzantine province of Cyprus. Having
   ransacked the island and plundered all its wealth, his army mutilated
   the survivors before forcing them to buy back their flocks at
   exorbitant prices with what little they had left. The sack of the
   island involved scenes of such unimaginable cruelty, inhumanity and
   savagery — to an extent that the Saracens had never allowed — that many
   Byzantines wondered whether it was the Crusaders, not the Saracens, who
   were the real enemy. Thus enriched with enough booty to make Antioch
   wealthy for years, the invaders boarded their ships and set sail for
   home. The people of Cyprus, who had sent bread to the starving
   Crusaders during the First Crusade, had been repaid for their kindness
   in blood.

   Manuel responded to this outrage in a characteristically energetic way.
   He assembled a huge imperial army, and lost no time in marching on
   Antioch. Indeed, the speed of his advance was such that he managed to
   surprise the Armenian Thoros of Cilicia, who had participated in the
   attack on Cyprus. All the towns and cities of Cilicia fell to Manuel
   immediately, and Thoros himself was forced to flee into the mountains
   at the last moment: he is said to have survived by sheltering alone
   under rocks on a hillside, where an old shepherd would bring him food
   to keep him alive.

Manuel in Antioch

   Meanwhile, news of the astonishingly swift advance of the Byzantine
   army soon reached Antioch, where it struck terror into the heart of
   Raynald. Realising that he had no hope of defeating Manuel's formidable
   army, he also knew that he could not expect any help from King Baldwin
   III of Jerusalem. Baldwin did not approve of Raynald's attack on
   Cyprus, and in any case had already made an agreement with Manuel. Thus
   isolated and abandoned by his allies, Raynald decided that abject
   submission was his only hope. He appeared before the Emperor, dressed
   in a sack and with a rope tied around his neck, and begged for
   forgiveness. Manuel at first ignored the prostrate Raynald, chatting
   with his courtiers; the Latin historian William of Tyre commented that
   this ignominious scene continued for so long that all present were
   "disgusted" by it. Eventually, Manuel forgave Raynald on condition that
   he became a vassal of the Empire, effectively surrendering the
   independence of Antioch to Byzantium.
   A Hyperpyron, a form of Byzantine coinage, issued by Manuel. One side
   of the coin (left image) depicts Christ. The other side depicts Manuel
   (right image).
   Enlarge
   A Hyperpyron, a form of Byzantine coinage, issued by Manuel. One side
   of the coin (left image) depicts Christ. The other side depicts Manuel
   (right image).

   Peace having been restored, a grand ceremonial procession was staged
   for the triumphant entry of Manuel and his army into the city, with
   Manuel riding through the streets on horseback while the Prince of
   Antioch and the King of Jerusalem followed on foot. Manuel dispensed
   justice to the citizens, and presided over games and tournaments for
   the crowd.

   Satisfied with his efforts thus far, Manuel headed back to
   Constantinople. On their way back, his troops were surprised in line of
   march by the Turks. Despite this, they won a complete victory, routing
   the enemy army from the field and inflicting heavy losses. In the
   following year he drove the Seljuk Turks out of Isauria.

   The terms of Manuel's arrangement with Raynald at Antioch demonstrate
   that Manuel was not only interested in achieving the aim of his father
   and grandfather in restoring Antioch to the Empire, but was also
   interested in a broader sense in using the Latins and the West to
   bolster the Empire's position in the eastern Mediterranean as a whole.
   This interest was to involve him in Crusading adventures in Egypt later
   on, a region where the Byzantine Empire had not been active for many
   centuries.

Italian campaign and Pope Hadrian IV

Roger of Sicily

   In 1147 Manuel was faced with war by Roger II of Sicily, whose fleet
   had captured the Byzantine island of Corfu and plundered the Greek
   towns. However, despite being distracted by a Cuman attack in the
   Balkans, in 1148 Manuel enlisted the help of the Venetians, who quickly
   defeated Roger with their powerful fleet. In 1149 Manuel recovered
   Corfu and prepared to take the offensive against the Normans. Manuel
   sent Michael Palaiologos and John Doukas with Byzantine troops and
   large quantities of gold to invade Apulia (1155). The two generals were
   instructed to enlist the support of German emperor Frederick
   Barbarossa, since he was hostile to the Normans of Sicily and was south
   of the Alps at the time, but he declined because his demoralised army
   longed to get back north of the Alps as soon as possible. Nevertheless,
   with the help of disaffected local barons including Count Robert of
   Loritello, Manuel's expedition achieved astonishingly rapid progress as
   the whole of southern Italy rose up in rebellion against the Sicilian
   Crown. There followed a string of spectacular successes as numerous
   strongholds yielded either to force or the lure of gold.

Papal-Byzantine alliance

   The city of Bari, which had been the capital of the Byzantine
   Catapanate of Southern Italy for centuries before the arrival of the
   Normans, opened its gates to the Emperor's army, and the overjoyed
   citizens tore down the Norman citadel as a hated symbol of Norman
   oppression. Encouraged by the success, Manuel dreamed of restoration of
   the Roman Empire at cost of union between Orthodox and Catholic Church,
   a prospect which would frequently be offered to the Pope during
   negotiations and plans for alliance.
   Pope Hadrian IV, who negotiated with Manuel against the Norman King
   William I of Sicily
   Enlarge
   Pope Hadrian IV, who negotiated with Manuel against the Norman King
   William I of Sicily

   If there was ever a chance of reuniting the eastern and western
   churches, and reconciling the Pope permanently, this was probably the
   most favourable moment. The Papacy was never on good terms with the
   Normans, except when under duress by the threat of direct military
   action. Having the "civilised" Eastern Roman Empire on its southern
   border was infinitely preferable to the Papacy than having to
   constantly deal with the troublesome Normans of Sicily. It was in Pope
   Hadrian IV's interests to reach a deal if at all possible, since doing
   so would greatly increase his own influence over the entire Orthodox
   Christian population. Negotiations were hurriedly carried out, and an
   alliance was formed between Manuel and Adrian. The future looked bleak
   for the Sicilians.

   It was at this point, just as the war seemed decided in Manuel's
   favour, that things started to go wrong. The Byzantine commander
   Michael Palaiologos had alienated Byzantium's allies by his arrogance,
   and this had stalled the campaign as Count Robert refused to speak to
   him. Although the two were reconciled, the campaign had lost some of
   its momentum. Yet worse was to come: Michael was soon recalled to
   Constantinople. Although his arrogance had slowed the campaign, he was
   a brilliant general in the field, and his loss was a major blow to the
   campaign. The turning point was the Battle for Brindisi, where the
   Sicilians launched a major counter attack by both land and sea. At the
   approach of the enemy, the mercenaries that had been hired with
   Manuel's gold demanded impossible rises in their pay. When this was
   refused, they deserted. Even the local barons started to melt away, and
   soon John Doukas was left hopelessly outnumbered. The naval battle was
   decided in the Sicilians' favour, and John was captured. The defeat at
   Brindisi put an end to the restored Byzantine reign in Italy, and by
   1158 the Byzantine army had left Italy.

Failure of the Church union

   Hopes for a lasting alliance with the Pope had also come up against
   insuperable problems. Pope Hadrian IV's conditions for a union between
   the eastern and western church included recognition of his religious
   authority over all Christians everywhere; the Emperor's, recognition of
   his secular authority. Neither East nor West could accept such
   conditions; even if a pro-western Emperor such as Manuel agreed to it,
   the Greek citizens of the Empire would have rejected outright any union
   of this sort, as they did about two hundred years later when the
   Orthodox and Catholic churches were briefly united under the Pope. In
   spite of his friendliness towards the Roman Church, Manuel was never
   honoured with the title of Augustus by Hadrian. Ultimately, a deal
   proved elusive, and the two churches have remained divided.

   The final results of the Italian campaign were limited in terms of the
   advantages gained by the Empire. The city of Ancona became a Byzantine
   base in Italy, accepting the Emperor as sovereign. The Normans of
   Sicily had been damaged, and now came to terms with the Empire,
   ensuring peace for the rest of Manuel's reign. The Empire's ability to
   get involved in Italian affairs had been demonstrated. However, given
   the enormous quantities of gold which had been lavished on the project,
   it also demonstrated the limits of what money and diplomacy alone could
   achieve, a lesson which Manuel would have done well to heed. The
   expense of Manuel's involvement in Italy must have cost the Treasury a
   great deal, and yet it produced only limited solid gains.

Danube frontier

Hungary is defeated

   On his northern frontier Manuel expended considerable effort to
   preserve the conquests made by Basil II over one hundred years earlier
   and maintained, sometimes tenuously, ever since.
   Manuel ruled over all of the Balkan lands from the Danube (top right)
   to the Peloponnese (lower left)
   Enlarge
   Manuel ruled over all of the Balkan lands from the Danube (top right)
   to the Peloponnese (lower left)

   He forced the rebellious Serbs to vassalage (1150–1152) and made
   repeated attacks upon the Hungarians with a view to annexing their
   territory along the Sava. In the wars of 1151–1153 and 1163–1168 Manuel
   led his troops into Hungary and a spectacular raid deep into enemy
   territory yielded substantial war booty. In 1168, a decisive victory
   near Zemun (see: Battle of Sirmium) enabled him to conclude a peace by
   which Dalmatia and other frontier territories were ceded to him.
   Efforts were made for diplomatic annex. The Hungarian heir Béla was
   sent to Constantinople to be educated in the court of Manuel, who
   intended the youth to marry his daughter, Maria, and to make him his
   heir, thus securing the union of Hungary with the Empire. In the court
   Bela assumed the name Alexius and received the title of Despot which
   had previously been applied only to the Emperor himself. However, when
   a son was born to the emperor this engagement was broken.

Good times: a flourishing economy

   Nevertheless, overall Manuel achieved considerable success in the
   Balkans, pacifying the Hungarian frontier and placing his candidate
   Béla III as king of Hungary in 1172. He extended the frontiers of the
   Empire in this region, ensuring security for the whole of Greece and
   Bulgaria. This allowed the Western provinces to flourish in an economic
   revival which had begun in the time of his grandfather Alexios I, and
   which continued till the close of the century. Indeed it has been
   argued that Byzantium in the twelfth century was richer and more
   prosperous than at any time since the Persian invasion during the reign
   of Herakleios, some five hundred years earlier. There is good evidence
   from this period of new construction, and new churches even in remote
   areas strongly suggest that wealth was widespread.
   The benefits of peace: a rural Orthodox Church on the bay of Dafni in
   Greece. New churches sprang up across the region during Manuel's reign
   Enlarge
   The benefits of peace: a rural Orthodox Church on the bay of Dafni in
   Greece. New churches sprang up across the region during Manuel's reign

   Although it is true that by the late ninth century the cities of the
   empire had begun to recover from the cataclysmic wars and dislocations
   of the Arab and Slavic invasions of Late Antiquity, progress had been
   interrupted by the Battle of Manzikert and the civil wars that preceded
   the accession of Alexios I. It is only the success of the Komnenoi that
   prevented the complete collapse of the empire, and it was this success
   that allowed urban development to resume.

Constantinople and trade

   It has been estimated that the population of Constantinople during
   Manuel's reign was between half a million and one million, making it by
   far the largest city in Europe. Furthermore, the Byzantine capital was
   a city undergoing expansion. The cosmopolitan character of
   Constantinople was being reinforced by the arrival of Italian merchants
   and Crusaders en route to the Holy Land. The Venetians and others
   opened up the ports of the Aegean to commerce, shipping goods from the
   Crusader kingdoms of Outremer and Fatimid Egypt to the west and trading
   with Byzantium via Constantinople. These maritime traders stimulated
   demand in the towns and cities of Greece, Macedonia and the Greek
   Islands, generating new sources of wealth in a predominantly agrarian
   economy. Thessaloniki, the second city of the Empire, hosted a famous
   summer fair which attracted traders from across the Balkans and even
   further afield to its bustling market stalls. In Corinth, silk
   production fuelled a thriving economy. All this is a testament to the
   success of the Komnenian Emperors in securing a Pax Byzantina in these
   heartland territories.

Manuel's invasion of Egypt

Alliance with the Kingdom of Jerusalem

   Control of Egypt was a decades-old dream of the crusader Kingdom of
   Jerusalem. Only a Byzantine alliance could accomplish this goal,
   however, and in the 1160s both Manuel and King Amalric I of Jerusalem
   married Crusader and Byzantine princesses respectively: Manuel married
   Amalric's cousin Maria of Antioch in 1161, while Amalric married
   Manuel's grand-niece Maria Komnene in 1167. In 1168 a formal alliance
   was negotiated, and in 1169 he sent a joint expedition with Amalric to
   Egypt. The expedition was a dramatic demonstration of the power of the
   Empire, involving a large fleet (of over 200 ships, including many
   large war vessels equipped with siege weapons and Greek fire) and army
   which represented a substantial investment of resources by the
   Byzantines. Crusade historian William of Tyre, who negotiated the
   alliance, was impressed in particular by the large transport ships
   which were used to transport the cavalry forces of the army.
   Image from an illuminated manuscript showing a Byzantine warship
   equipped with Greek Fire
   Enlarge
   Image from an illuminated manuscript showing a Byzantine warship
   equipped with Greek Fire

   Although such a long range attack on a state far from the centre of the
   Empire may seem extraordinary (the last time the Empire had attempted
   anything on this scale was the failed invasion of Sicily over one
   hundred and twenty years earlier), it can be explained in terms of
   Manuel's foreign policy, which, as outlined above, was to use the
   Latins to ensure the survival of the Empire. This focus on the bigger
   picture of the eastern Mediterranean and even further afield thus led
   Manuel to intervene in Egypt, as it was believed that in the context of
   the wider struggle between the Crusader states and the Islamic powers
   of the east, control of Egypt would be the deciding factor:
   consequently, whoever controlled Egypt would have the edge over the
   opposing side.

Allure of Egypt

   The riches of the Nile captured Manuel's imagination. Due to a failure
   of the Crusaders and the Byzantines to co-operate, the conquest of
   Egypt was unsuccessful.
   Enlarge
   The riches of the Nile captured Manuel's imagination. Due to a failure
   of the Crusaders and the Byzantines to co-operate, the conquest of
   Egypt was unsuccessful.

   A successful invasion of Egypt would have several advantages for the
   Byzantine Empire. Firstly, it would prevent the Islamic powers of the
   region forming a cohesive alliance capable of expelling the Crusaders
   from the Holy Land. Secondly, Egypt was a rich province, and in the
   days of the Roman Empire had supplied much of the grain for
   Constantinople before it was lost to the Arabs in the 7th century. The
   revenues that the Empire could have expected to gain from the conquest
   of Egypt would have been considerable, even if these would have to be
   shared with the Crusaders. Furthermore, it would bind the Crusaders
   more closely to the Empire, a goal which Manuel would pursue with
   determination throughout his reign and which would be evident when King
   Amalric subsequently placed his whole kingdom under the protection of
   Manuel, effectively extending the agreement on Antioch by making the
   entire Kingdom of Jerusalem at least nominally part of the Empire.
   However, this was a personal arrangement, in the feudal tradition of
   Western Europe, and as such only applied for as long as Manuel and
   Amalric were the rulers of their respective states.

Lost opportunities

   The invasion of Egypt could even have expected some support from the
   native Coptic Christians, who had lived under Islamic rule for over
   five hundred years. However, due to the failure of the Crusaders and
   the Byzantines to co-operate fully, the chance to capture Egypt was
   thrown away. The Byzantine fleet sailed only with provisions for three
   months: by the time the crusaders were ready, supplies were already
   running out, and eventually the fleet retired after an ineffectual
   attempt to capture Damietta. Each side sought to blame the other for
   failure, but both also knew that they depended on each other: the
   alliance was maintained, and further plans were made, which ultimately
   were to come to naught.

   Overall, accounts of the reign of Manuel Komnenos have tended to pay
   only limited attention to the expedition against Egypt, due to the
   failure of the project and the importance of other issues such as the
   rise of the Republic of Venice and the Seljuk Turks. However, the
   consequences of failure were serious. Manuel invested a lot of time,
   money and manpower in the attack on Egypt, resources which might have
   been better used against the Turks in Anatolia.

   Seljuk Sultan Kilij Arslan II used this time to eliminate his rivals
   and build up his power in Asia Minor. The balance of power in the
   eastern Mediterranean was changing, and the effects of Manuel's failure
   in Egypt would still be felt long after his death. The rise of a young
   Kurdish general, Saladin, was only made possible by his successful
   conquest of Egypt in the same year, 1169; and Saladin's armies would
   soon reconquer Jerusalem from the Crusaders, thus triggering the Third
   Crusade.

Kilij Arslan II and the Seljuk Turks

   This image by Gustave Doré shows the Turkish ambush at the pass of
   Myriokephalon. This ambush destroyed Manuel's hope of capturing Konya
   Enlarge
   This image by Gustave Doré shows the Turkish ambush at the pass of
   Myriokephalon. This ambush destroyed Manuel's hope of capturing Konya

   Manuel had made an agreement with the Seljuks, following his victory
   over them in 1162, that certain frontier regions, including the city of
   Sivas, should be handed over to him in return for some quantity of
   cash. However, when it became clear that the Seljuks had no intention
   of honouring their side of the bargain, Manuel decided that it was time
   to deal with the Turks once and for all. Therefore, he assembled the
   full imperial army, and marched against the Seljuk capital, Iconium (
   Konya). Yet the imperial army was large and unwieldy — according to a
   letter which Manuel sent to King Henry II of England, the advancing
   column was ten miles long. Furthermore, Manuel had become impetuous,
   and it seems this may have had an effect on his judgement: just outside
   the entrance to the pass at Myriokephalon, he was met by Turkish
   ambassadors, who offered peace on generous terms. Most of Manuel's
   generals and experienced courtiers urged him to accept the offer.
   However, the younger and more aggressive members of the court urged
   Manuel to attack. Foolishly, he took their advice and continued his
   advance.

   Unfortunately, Manuel made serious tactical errors, such as failing to
   properly scout out the route ahead. These failings caused him to lead
   his forces straight into a classic ambush. On September 17, 1176
   Manuel's army was decisively defeated by Kilij Arslan II at the Battle
   of Myriokephalon, in which his army was ambushed while marching through
   the narrow mountain pass. The army's siege equipment was quickly
   destroyed, and Manuel was forced to withdraw — without siege engines,
   the conquest of Konya was impossible. The terms by which Seljuk Sultan
   Kilij Arslan II allowed Manuel and his army to leave were that he
   should remove his forts and armies on the frontier at Dorylaeum and
   Siblia. However since the Sultan had already failed to keep his side of
   the earlier treaty of 1162, Manuel had no intention of keeping to the
   terms of this new arrangement. Nevertheless, defeat at Myriokephalon
   was an embarrassment for both Manuel personally and also for his
   empire. The Comnenian emperors had worked hard since the Battle of
   Manzikert, 105 years earlier, to restore the reputation of the empire.
   Yet because of his over-confidence, Manuel had demonstrated to the
   whole world that Byzantium still could not defeat the Seljuks, despite
   the advances made during the past century.

   The defeat at Myriokephalon has often been depicted as a catastrophe in
   which the entire Byzantine army was destroyed. Manuel himself compared
   the defeat to Manzikert, and like Manzikert, it seems to have become a
   legendary disaster; in reality, although a defeat, it did not
   significantly ruin the Byzantine army, which was fighting in Asia Minor
   the next year. Most of the casualties were on the left wing, commanded
   by Baldwin of Antioch, and also the baggage train, which bore the brunt
   of the Turkish ambush and was its main target. Yet the losses were
   quickly made good, and in the following year Manuel's forces heavily
   defeated a Turkish counter-attack. A new campaign even recaptured some
   territory in 1177.

   However, the battle did have a serious effect upon Manuel's vitality;
   henceforth he declined in health and in 1180 succumbed to a slow fever.
   Furthermore, like Manzikert, the balance between the two powers began
   to gradually shift — Manuel never again attacked the Turks and, after
   his death, they began to move further and further west, deeper into
   Byzantine territory.

   Essentially, the problem was that Manuel had allowed himself to be
   distracted by a series of adventures in Italy and Egypt, instead of
   dealing with the more pressing issue of the Turks. This had given the
   Sultan many years in which to eliminate his rivals, enabling him to
   build up a force capable of facing the Byzantine army in the field.
   Without the years required to build up this Seljuk force, the battle
   could never have even taken place. Ultimately the defeat at
   Myriokephalon marked the end of Byzantine attempts to recover the
   Anatolian plateau, which was now lost to the empire forever.

Assessment: success or failure?

   As a young man, Manuel had been determined to restore by force of arms
   the predominance of the Byzantine Empire in the Mediterranean
   countries. By the time he died in 1180, 37 years had passed since that
   momentous day in 1143 when, amid the wilds of Cilicia, his father had
   proclaimed him emperor. These years had seen Manuel involved in
   conflict with his neighbours on all sides. Manuel's father and
   grandfather before him had worked patiently to undo the damage done by
   the battle of Manzikert and its aftermath. Thanks to their heroic
   efforts, the empire Manuel inherited was stronger and better organised
   than at any time for a century. At the time of accession, many had
   hoped that his reign would be the culmination of all the achievements
   of the Comnenian dynasty.

   Less intensely pious than his father, John II Komnenos, Manuel had
   proven himself to be an energetic and bright Emperor who saw
   possibilities everywhere, and whose optimistic outlook had shaped his
   approach to foreign policy. However, in spite of his military prowess
   Manuel achieved but in a slight degree his object of restoring the
   Byzantine Empire. In fact he succeeded in unifying many of his
   neighbours in common hatred as enemies, rather than playing one foe
   against the other. Had he concentrated more on the situation in
   Anatolia, Manuel might have succeeded in his father's aim of driving
   the Turks out of this crucial region. Instead he allowed his attention
   to be taken up by risky adventures in Italy and Egypt that ultimately
   brought little solid gain to his empire. His victories were
   counterbalanced by defeats, some of them costly not just in terms of
   lost opportunities, but also in terms of the expense to the Imperial
   Treasury. The Byzantine historian, Niketas Choniates, criticized Manuel
   for raising taxes: the money thus raised was spent lavishly at the cost
   of his citizens. The expenses incurred by his expansive foreign policy
   and generous attitude to money combined with the sumptuous magnificence
   of his court put a severe strain upon the financial resources of the
   state.
   Map of the Byzantine Empire under Manuel, c. 1180.
   Enlarge
   Map of the Byzantine Empire under Manuel, c. 1180.

   The problems this created were counterbalanced to some extent by his
   successes, particularly in the Balkans, but in view of the subsequent
   rapid collapse of the Byzantine Empire, it might have been better to
   deploy the available resources more carefully, either by building up a
   strong treasury or by concentrating on less risky ventures. His
   pro-western policy caused much resentment in the Empire and backfired
   in the reaction led by Andronikos I Komnenos whose arrival was
   celebrated by a massacre of the Latins in Constantinople in 1182. These
   events among others ultimately led to the capturing of the Empire in
   the Fourth Crusade. Retrospectively, some commentators have criticized
   some of Manuel's aims as unrealistic, in particular citing the
   expeditions he sent to Egypt as proof of dreams of grandeur on an
   unattainable scale. Yet for Manuel, such initiatives had merely been
   ambitious attempts to take advantage of the circumstances that had
   presented themselves to him.

Legacy

   Manuel would be remembered in France, Italy and the Crusader states as
   the most powerful sovereign in the world. A telling reminder of the
   influence that Manuel held in the Crusader states in particular can
   still be seen in the church of the Holy Nativity in Bethlehem. In the
   1160s the nave was redecorated with mosaics showing the councils of the
   church. Manuel was one of the patrons of the work. On the south wall,
   an inscription in Greek reads: "the present work was finished by
   Ephraim the monk, painter and mosaicist, in the reign of the great
   emperor Manuel Porphyrogennetos Komnenos and in the time of the great
   king of Jerusalem, Amalric." That Manuel's name was placed first was a
   symbolic, public recognition of Manuel's overlordship as leader of the
   Christian world. Manuel's role as protector of the Orthodox Christians
   and Christian holy places in general is also evident in his successful
   attempts to secure rights over the Holy Land. Manuel participated in
   the building and decorating of many of the basilicas and Greek
   monasteries in the Holy Land, including the church of the Holy
   Sepulchre in Jerusalem, where thanks to his efforts the Byzantine
   clergy were allowed to perform the Greek liturgy each day. All this
   reinforced his position as overlord of the Crusader states, with his
   hegemony over Antioch and Jerusalem secured by agreement with Raynald,
   Prince of Antioch, and Amalric, King of Jerusalem respectively. This,
   along with his success in the Balkans, must be regarded as one of the
   greatest achievements of Manuel Komnenos's reign.

   During his 37 years as emperor, Manuel consistently defeated all
   attempts by outside powers to attack his Empire: however, in the east,
   his gains were compromised by the defeat at Myriokephalon in 1176. At
   his death, the empire was a great power, economically prosperous,
   secure on its frontiers, but there were serious problems as well.
   Internally, the Byzantine court required a strong leader to hold it
   together, and after Manuel's death stability was seriously endangered
   from within. Some of the foreign enemies of the Empire were lurking on
   the flanks, waiting for a chance to attack, in particular the Turks in
   Anatolia, whom Manuel had ultimately failed to defeat, and the Normans
   in Sicily, who had already tried but failed to invade the Empire on
   several occasions. Even the Venetians, the single most important
   western ally of Byzantium, were on bad terms with the empire at
   Manuel's death in 1180. Given this situation, it would have taken a
   strong Emperor to secure the Empire against the foreign threats it now
   faced, and to rebuild the depleted Imperial Treasury. Unfortunately for
   Byzantium, such a man was not forthcoming.

Family

   Manuel had two wives. His first marriage, in 1146, was to Bertha of
   Sulzbach, a sister-in-law of Conrad III of Germany. She died in 1159.
   Children:
    1. Maria Komnene (1152–1182), wife of Renier of Montferrat (Varzos,
       1984, no. 153).
    2. Anna Komnene (1154–1158) (Varzos, 1984, no. 154).

   Manuel's second marriage was to Maria (who became a nun under the name
   Xene), a daughter of Raymond and Constance of Antioch, in 1161. By this
   marriage, Manuel had one son:
    1. Alexios II Komnenos, who succeeded as emperor in 1180 (Varzos,
       1984, no. 155).

   Manuel had several illegitimate children. By Theodora Batatzina:
    1. Alexios Komnenos, born in the early 1160s. He was briefly married
       to Eirene Komnene, illegitimate daughter of Andronikos I Komnenos,
       in 1183-1184, and was then blinded by his father-in-law. He lived
       until at least 1191 and was known personally to the historian
       Niketas Choniates (Varzos, 1984, no. 156).

   By Maria Taronitissa, the wife of John Komnenos Protovestiarios, whose
   legitimate children included Maria Komnene, Queen consort of Jerusalem:
    1. Alexios Komnenos Pinkernes ("the Cupbearer"), who fled
       Constantinople in 1184 and was a figurehead of the Norman invasion
       and the siege of Thessalonica in 1185.

   By other lovers:
    1. A daughter whose name is unknown. She was born around 1150 and
       married Theodore Maurozomes before 1170. Her son was Manuel
       Maurozomes, and some of her descendants ruled the Seljuk Sultanate
       of Rûm (Varzos, 1984, no. 157).
    2. A daughter whose name is unknown, born around 1155. She was the
       maternal grandmother of the author Demetrios Tornikes (Varzos,
       1984, no. 157a).

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