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Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

2007 Schools Wikipedia Selection. Related subjects: Historical figures

                     Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
   March 17, 1920 – August 15, 1975
     Place of birth:    Tungipara, Gopalganj District, Bengal
     Place of death:    Dhaka, Bangladesh
   Major organizations: Awami League; BAKSAL

   Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ( Bangla: শেখ মুজিবর রহমান Shekh Mujibur Rôhman)
   ( March 17, 1920 – August 15, 1975) was a Bengali political leader in
   East Pakistan and the founding leader of Bangladesh. Heading the Awami
   League, he served as the first President and later Prime Minister of
   Bangladesh. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the
   honorary title of Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal). His eldest daughter
   Sheikh Hasina Wajed is the present leader of the Awami League and a
   former prime minister of Bangladesh.

   A student political leader, Mujib rose in East Pakistani politics and
   within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful
   orator. An advocate of socialism, Mujib became popular for his
   leadership against the ethnic and institutional discrimination of
   Bengalis. He demanded increased provincial autonomy, and became a
   fierce opponent of the military rule of Ayub Khan. At the heightening
   of sectional tensions, Mujib outlined a 6-point autonomy plan which was
   seen as separatism in West Pakistan. He was tried in 1968 for allegedly
   conspiring with the Indian government, but not convicted. Despite
   leading his party to a major victory in the 1970 elections, Mujib was
   not invited to form the government.

   After talks broke down with President Yahya Khan and West Pakistani
   politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Mujib was arrested and a guerrilla war
   erupted between government forces and Bengali nationalists. Indian
   intervention in 1971 would lead to the establishment of Bangladesh, and
   after his release Mujib would assume office as provisional president,
   and later prime minister. Even as a constitution was adopted,
   proclaiming socialism and a secular democracy, Mujib struggled to
   address the challenges of intense poverty and unemployment. Amidst
   rising political turmoil, he banned other political parties and
   declared himself " president for life" in 1975. Mujib was assassinated
   with his family by a group of army officers.

Early life

   Mujib, a student leader in 1949.
   Enlarge
   Mujib, a student leader in 1949.

   Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in Tungipara, a village in Gopalganj
   District in the province of Bengal, to Sheikh Lutfar Rahman, a
   serestadar, or an officer responsible for record-keeping at the
   Gopalganj civil court. He was the third child in a family of four
   daughters and two sons. Mujib was educated at the Gopalganj Public
   School and later transferred to the Gopalganj Missionary School, from
   where he completed his matriculation. However, Mujib was withdrawn from
   school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and would return to school only
   after fours years, owing to the severity of the surgery and slow
   recovery. At age eighteen, Mujib married Begum Fazilatnnesa, who would
   subsequently give birth to two daughters - Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh
   Rehana - and three sons - Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel.

   Mujib's political activities began when he joined the All India
   Students Federation in 1940. He enrolled at the Islamia College in
   Kolkata (then Calcutta) to study law and entered student politics
   there. Joining the Bengal Muslim League in 1943, he grew close to the
   faction led by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, a leading Bengali Muslim
   leader. During this period, Mujib worked actively for the League's
   cause of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan, and in 1946 he was
   elected general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union.
   Obtaining his degree in 1947, Mujib was one of the Muslim politicians
   working under Suhrawardy during the communal violence that broke out in
   Kolkata with the partition of India.

   On his return to East Bengal, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to
   study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League,
   becoming one of the most prominent student political leaders in the
   province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism
   as the ideal solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living
   conditions. On January 26, 1949 the government announced that Urdu
   would officially be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in
   jail, Mujib encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and
   protests, and undertook a hunger strike for 13 days. Following the
   declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the province chief minister
   Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1948 that the people of East Pakistan, mainly
   Bengalis, would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, agitation
   broke out amongst the population. Mujib led the Muslim Students League
   in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested along with his
   colleagues by police on March 11. The outcry of students and political
   activists led to the immediate release of Mujib and the others. Mujib
   was expelled from the university and arrested again in 1949 for
   attempting to organize the menial and clerical staff in an agitation
   over workers' rights.

Early political career

   Sheikh Mujib, 1950.
   Enlarge
   Sheikh Mujib, 1950.

   Mujib launched his political career, leaving the Muslim League to join
   Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani in the formation of the Awami Muslim
   League, the predecessor of the Awami League. He was elected joint
   secretary of its East Pakistan unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to
   build a larger coalition of East Pakistani and socialist parties, Mujib
   focused on expanding the grass-roots organization. In 1951, Mujib began
   organising protests and rallies in response to the killing, by the
   police of students who were protesting against the declaration of Urdu
   as the sole national language. This period of turmoil, later to be
   known as the Language movement, saw Mujib and many other Bengali
   politicians arrested. In 1953, he was made the party's general
   secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a
   United Front coalition ticket in 1954. Serving briefly as the minister
   for agriculture, Mujib was briefly arrested for organizing protest of
   the central government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry.
   He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and
   served from 1955 to 1958. Making a speech in the assembly on the
   proposed plan to dissolve the provinces in favour of an amalgamated
   West Pakistan and East Pakistan with a powerful central government,
   Mujib demanded that the Bengali people's ethnic identity be respected,
   and that a popular verdict should decide the question:

     "Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they
     want to place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We
     had demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of
     Pakistan. The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its
     own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. So
     far as the question of one unit is concerned it can come in the
     constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up just now? What about
     the state language, Bengali? We will be prepared to consider
     one-unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that
     side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the
     form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite."

   In 1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of
   industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid, but
   resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organization. When
   General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law in
   1958, Mujib was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till
   1961. Following his release, Mujib started organizing an underground
   political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla
   Revolutionary Council), comprising student leaders in order to oppose
   the regime of Ayub Khan and to work for increased political power for
   Bengalis and even the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly
   arrested again in 1962 for organising protests.

Leader of East Pakistan

   Mujib with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, 1949.
   Enlarge
   Mujib with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, 1949.

   Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami
   League, now one of the largest political parties in Pakistan. The party
   had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards
   secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was
   one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's
   Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit
   scheme which centralized power and merged the provinces. Working with
   other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima
   Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election. Mujib was arrested two
   weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year.
   In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over
   perceived state discrimination against Bengalis and the official
   neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan. Despite forming a
   majority of the population, Bengalis were poorly represented in
   Pakistan's civil services, police and military. There were also
   conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation.

   Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan, and
   Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In
   1966, at a national conference of opposition political parties in
   Lahore, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival,
   in which he demanded self-government and considerable political,
   economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani
   federation with a weak central government. According to his plan:

    1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its
       true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of
       government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the
       basis of universal adult franchise.
    2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defence
       and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be
       vested in the federating states.
    3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings
       should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be
       one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional
       provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from
       East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve
       should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be
       adopted for East Pakistan.
    4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the
       federating units and the federal centre will have no such power.
       The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to
       meet its expenditures.
    5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange
       earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the
       federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a
       ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty
       between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the
       units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
    6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary
       forces.

   Mujib in 1954.
   Enlarge
   Mujib in 1954.

   Mujib's points catalyzed public support across East Pakistan, launching
   what some historians have termed the 6 point movement – recognized as
   the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan.
   Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu and
   other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were
   considered radical in West Pakistan, and interpreted as thinly-veiled
   separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and
   politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East
   Pakistan.

   Mujib was arrested by the army soon after, and after two years in jail
   an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as
   the Agartala conspiracy case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers
   were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government
   agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and
   national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the
   city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura. The outcry and unrest
   over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilized
   East Pakistan, amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali
   political and student groups added demands to address the issues of
   students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The
   government caved to the mounting pressure, and unconditionally released
   Mujib, dropping the charges. Mujib returned to East Pakistan a public
   hero.

   Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Mujib
   demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other
   political parties, and walked out following its rejection. On December
   5, 1969 Mujib declared at a public meeting held to observe the death
   anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called
   "Bangladesh":

     "There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word
     "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word
     "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on
     behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called
     "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan."

   Mujib's declaration heightened tensions across the country, especially
   amongst West Pakistani politicians and the military, who began to see
   him as an openly separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural
   and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy.
   Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasized
   the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory – the case upon which Pakistan
   had been created – by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis
   as a nation. A charismatic orator, Mujib was able to galvanize support
   throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national
   population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures
   in Pakistan. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was
   increasingly referred to by his supporters as "Bangabandhu" (Friend of
   Bengal).

1970 elections and independence

   Sheikh Mujib with Maulana Bhashani in a protest march.
   Enlarge
   Sheikh Mujib with Maulana Bhashani in a protest march.

   A major coastal cyclone struck East Pakistan in 1970, leaving hundreds
   of thousands of people dead and millions displaced. The subsequent
   period exposed extreme outrage and unrest over the perceived weak and
   ineffective response of the central government. Public opinion and
   political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as
   intentionally negligient, while West Pakistani politicians attacked the
   Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The
   dissatisfaction lead to divisions within the civil services, police and
   military of Pakistan. In the elections held in December, 1970 the Awami
   League under Mujib's leadership won a massive majority in the
   provincial legislature, and all but 2 of East Pakistan's quota of seats
   in the new National Assembly, thus forming a clear majority.

   The election result revealed a polarization between the two wings of
   Pakistan, with the largest and most successful party in the West being
   the Pakistan People's Party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was completely
   opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy. Bhutto threatened to
   boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by
   Yahya Khan (the then president of Pakistan) to form the next
   government, demanding his party's inclusion. There was also widespread
   opposition in the Pakistani military, as well as Islamic political
   parties to Mujib becoming Pakistan's prime minister. And even though
   neither Mujib nor the League had explicitly advocated political
   independence for East Pakistan, smaller nationalist groups were
   demanding independence for Bangladesh.

   Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the
   assembly - a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib's party,
   which formed a majority, from taking charge. Speaking at a massive
   gathering of people on March 7, 1971 at the Race Course Ground in
   Dhaka, Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a
   major campaign of civil disobedience and organized armed resistance:

     "The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle
     now is the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have
     given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of
     this country will be liberated...Turn every house into a fort. Face
     (the enemy) with whatever you have."

   Following a last ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared
   martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest
   Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists. The army launched
   Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting
   the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training
   in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib
   declared Bangladesh's independence at midnight on March 26, 1971:

     "This may be my last message; from today Bangladesh is independent.
     I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with
     whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last.
     Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan
     occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final
     victory is ours."

   Arrested and moved to West Pakistan, Mujib was kept under heavy guard
   in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur), while many other League
   politicians fled to India and other countries. Pakistani general
   Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's criminal court
   case. The actual sentence and court proceedings have never been made
   public.

   The Pakistani army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a
   rampage of terror and bloodshed. With radical Muslim militias known as
   Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and
   union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. It targeted Bengali and
   non-Bengali Hindus across the region, and throughout the year large
   numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian
   states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. East Bengali army and police
   regiments soon mutinied, and League leaders formed a
   government-in-exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmed, a politician close
   to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Army of Freedom)
   arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the
   Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him.
   While most of Mujib's family was kept under house arrest, his son
   Sheikh Kamal was a key officer in the Mukti Bahini, in a struggle
   between the state forces and the nationalist militia which would come
   to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian
   intervention in December 1971, the East Pakistani army surrendered and
   the League leadership created a government in Dhaka. Released on
   January 8, 1972 by Pakistani authorities following the official ending
   of hostilities, Mujib flew to New Delhi via London, where after meeting
   Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and publicly expressing his thanks
   to "the best friends of my people, the people of India." He returned to
   Bangladesh on January 10, 1972. With Gandhi, he addressed a crowd of
   approximately half a million people gathered in Dhaka.

Governing Bangladesh

   Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency, and later
   took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and
   decision-making. In doing so, he dismissed Tajuddin Ahmed following a
   controversial intra-party power struggle that had occurred during
   Mujib's incarceration. The politicians elected in 1970 formed the
   provisional parliament of the new state, and the Mukti Bahini and other
   militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian
   forces transferred control on March 17. Mujib described the fallout of
   the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the
   deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000
   women; these figures are disputed by other sources. His government
   faced serious challenges, including the rehabilitation of millions of
   people displaced in 1971, organizing the supply of food, medicine and
   other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off,
   and the state's economy had been devastated by the conflict. There was
   also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have
   assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of
   Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated
   to Pakistan and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.

   Winning recognition from major countries, Mujib helped enter Bangladesh
   into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement and traveled to
   the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to
   obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation. He
   signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive
   economic and humanitarian assistance, and began training Bangladesh's
   security forces and government personnel. Mujib forged a close
   friendship with Indira Gandhi, strongly praising India's decision to
   intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India. The two
   governments remained in close cooperation during Mujib's lifetime.

   Charging the provisional parliament with writing a new constitution,
   Mujib proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism,
   secularism, democracy and socialism," which would come to be known as
   "Mujibism." Mujib nationalized hundreds of industries and companies as
   well as abandoned land and capital, and initiated land reform aimed at
   helping millions of poor farmers. Major efforts were launched to
   rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees; the economy began
   recovering and a famine was prevented. A constitution was proclaimed in
   1973 and elections were held, returning Mujib and his party to power
   with an absolute majority. Mujib further outlined state programmes to
   expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and
   electric supply across the country. A five year plan released in 1973
   focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and
   cottage industries.

   Although committing the state to secularism, Mujib soon began moving
   closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal
   conduct. He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972
   for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the
   production and sale of alcohol and gambling activities, which had been
   one of the major demands of Islamic groups. Mujib sought Bangladesh's
   membership in the Organisation of Islamic Conference and the Islamic
   Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to
   attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to
   an extent. In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased
   usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic
   ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark
   "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious
   Muslims.

BAKSAL

   Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction
   and unrest. His program of nationalization and industrial socialism
   suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant
   corruption and poor leadership. Mujib focused almost entirely on
   national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The
   party and central government exercised full control and democracy was
   weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grassroots or
   local levels. Political opposition included communists as well as
   Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a
   secular state. Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family
   members to important positions. A famine in 1974 further intensified
   the food crisis, and devastated agriculture – the mainstay of the
   economy. Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political
   leadership, a flawed pricing policy, as well as rising inflation amidst
   heavy losses suffered by the nationalized industries. Mujib's ambitious
   social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources,
   funds and personnel and caused unrest amongst the masses.

   Political unrest gave rise to increasing violence, and in response,
   Mujib began increasing his powers. On January 25, 1975 Mujib declared a
   state of emergency and his political supporters approved a
   constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties.
   Mujib was declared "president for life," and given extraordinary power.
   His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalized
   political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly
   known by its initials – BAKSAL. Identifying itself with the rural
   masses, farmers and labourers, the party took control of the government
   machinery and launched major state socialist programs. Using government
   forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini,
   Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of
   political activities across the country. The militia and police were
   accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining
   support from many segments of the population, Mujib evoked anger
   amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was seen as a betrayal
   of the causes of democracy and civil rights. Unable to effectively
   address national challenges, underground opposition to Mujib
   intensified, as did considerable dissatisfaction within the Bangladeshi
   army.

Assassination

   On August 15, 1975 a group of junior army officers invaded the
   presidential residence with armoured tanks, and killed Mujib, his
   family and the personal staff. Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed
   and Sheikh Rehana, on a visit to West Germany, were left alive but
   banned from returning to Bangladesh. The coup was planned by
   disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers, including
   Mujib's college and former confidante, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed, who
   became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the
   media, amongst governments of other nations and subsequently amongst
   historians that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency had instigated the
   plot.

   Mujib's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil.
   The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and
   political assassinations paralyzed the country. Order was largely
   restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to the army chief Ziaur
   Rahman. Declaring himself president in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the
   Indemnity Ordinance, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who
   plotted Mujib's killing and overthrow. Ziaur Rahman and Hossain
   Mohammad Ershad reversed the state's commitment to secularism and
   socialism, and most of Mujibur Rahman's signature policies.

   In exile, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the Awami League.
   Returning to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981, she led popular opposition to
   the military regime of President Ershad. In the elections following the
   restoration of democracy in 1991, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of
   the opposition, and in 1996 she won the elections to become
   Bangladesh's prime minister. Revoking the Indemnity Ordinance, an
   official murder case was lodged and an investigation launched. One of
   the main coup leaders, Colonel Syed Faruque Rahman was arrested along
   with 14 other army officers, while others fled abroad. Sheikh Hasina
   lost power in the 2001 elections, but remained the opposition leader
   and one of the most important politicians in Bangladesh.

Criticism and legacy

   The Bangabandhu Square Monument.
   Enlarge
   The Bangabandhu Square Monument.

   The Pakistani leadership in 1971 was considered by some observers and
   governments as fighting to keep the country united in face of violent
   secessionist activities led by Mujib. Indian support for the Mukti
   Bahini dented the credibility of Mujib and the League in the community
   of nations. Some historians argue that the conflicts and disparities
   between East and West Pakistan were exaggerated by Mujib and the
   League, and that secession cost Bangladesh valuable industrial and
   human resources. The governments of Saudi Arabia and China criticized
   Mujib and many nations did not recognize Bangladesh until after his
   death.

   Several historians regard Mujib as a rabble-rousing, charismatic leader
   who galvanized the nationalist struggle but proved inept in governing
   the country. During his tenure as Bangladesh's leader, Muslim religious
   leaders and politicians intensely criticized Mujib's adoption of state
   secularism. He alienated some segments of nationalists and the
   military, who feared Bangladesh would come to depend upon India and
   become a satellite, by taking extensive aid from the Indian government
   and allying Bangladesh with India on many foreign and regional affairs.
   Mujib's imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political
   opposition alienated large segments of the population and derailed
   Bangladesh's experiment with democracy for many decades.

   Following his death, succeeding governments offered low-key
   commemorations of Mujib, and his public image was restored only with
   the election of an Awami League government led by his daughter Sheikh
   Hasina in 1996. Mujibur Rahman is officially recognized in Bangladesh
   as the " Father of the Nation" and is the namesake of many public and
   official institutions. August 15 is commemorated as "National Mourning
   Day," mainly by Awami League supporters. He remains the paramount icon
   of the Awami League, which continues to profess Mujib's ideals of
   socialism. Mujib is widely admired by scholars and in Bengali
   communities in India and across the world for denouncing the military
   rule and ethnic discrimination that existed in Pakistan, and for
   leading the Bengali struggle for rights and liberty.

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